Monday, November 5, 2007
Sunday, October 14, 2007
The Emasculation of Mr.Singh
Sunday, September 30, 2007
Are we going ballistic over the nuclear deal?
Wednesday, July 11, 2007
United Nations Talk by Jiddu Krishnamurti on Peace in Our time
Tuesday, July 10, 2007
Indians in a state of denial about terrorism....
It has become the standard response of Indians as well as others in the world to react to such incidents with the same nonchalance as any other. Whether it is Hindus desecrating mosques or Muslims joining the Global Jihad, our response has been that it is the fanatical few that are bringing disrepute to the overwhelming majority. Is this really true or do we want to stay in this state of suspended disbelief for ever? None of these events would have happened in a vigilant and aware civil society.
To brush these things under the carpet by saying that these are exceptions rather than the rule brings us to a more fundamental question? Why is it that these exceptions are not caught by the civil society or the law enforcing agencies early enough in India? Is it because we will be accused of prejudice if we act fairly? Is it because our views on religion transcend the views that we hold about our country? These seem to be some of the arguments that educated Muslims seem to be putting forward to justify these actions. I cannot still understand why Muslims in India should feel a deep sense of injustice towards what is happening in Chechnya? If they interpret this as a massacre of Muslims then what should be said about the nerve gassing of Shias and Kurds by Saddam-a Muslim himself? Are we so naive that we believe this so called theory of a global conspiracy against a community?
Friday, July 6, 2007
The irrelevance of the Left in today's policy debate
The second event that was not very publicised was the interview with Buddhadeb Bhattacharya on IBN. The West Bengal CM clearly said that he disagreed with the views of the Leftist economists on developmental policies. Such a pragamtic articulation by one of India's best CMs should jolt the Left out of its slumber and force them to re-think their policies. But the Left still seems to believe that what is good for Bengal is not good for the rest of India. It remains to be seen whether the Indian public will finally wake up and force the dinosaurs of the Left into extinction forever.
Monday, July 2, 2007
Is the Tiger on the verge of extinction?

Drastic measures are called for in this moment of crisis. A nationwide educational campaign on tiger habitats will help tribals appreciate the importance of preserving the tiger for the ecological balance of the country. In addition special areas need to be reserved for the tiger where humans may not transgress. The government must take stringent measures against poachers even if that means deploying a special task force for the time being. In addition, the government must step up diplomatic pressure on the Chinese to prevent them from lifting the ban. Only time will tell whether we will be able to do something soon enough to protect the tiger from being seen in photos and videos only in the future. Will the government take a strong position atleast on this issue?
Monday, June 25, 2007
United Petty Alliance and the Presidential election
Coming to the process of the election of the President, it was shameful to hear Mr.Dasmunshi, Mr.Pawar and Laloo telling India's eminent nuclear scientist and arguably one of its most popular presidents that his time was over. Retirement it seemed was also not going to be a matter of his choice. Many people have already written about the tokenism that was shown by the UPA when they announced Pratibha Patil as the symbol of women's empowerment in India. But what went unnoticed in all this din was Laloo celebrating womenhood when her name was announced. The people of this country remember distinctly the role of the RJD and the SP in scuttling the Women's reservation Bill in Parliament and don't need to be told about the emancipation of women by Laloo.
I have tried to understand the reason why the Congress was opposed to Mr.Abdul Kalam by watching the debates where their leaders participated. But I must confess that it was not at all clear to me why they were unwilling to consider his name again other than cite precedents. Don't they understand that what they have done has created a precedent that will be emulated by any party following them? In the interests of the nation, it is Ok to dump the Left.
Thursday, June 14, 2007
Excessive profits and Pseudo-communism?
The events of the last month where the Prime Minister made a speech using Keynesian values as the basis for the cap on excessive profits of companies should make all of us as Indians in the next century reflect on the arguments presented by Mr.Manmohan Singh. As a counterpoint to the PM's statement I reproduce below Milton Friedman's famous article on the social responsibility of businesses.
The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits
by Milton FriedmanThe New York Times Magazine, September 13, 1970. Copyright @ 1970 by The New York Times Company.
When I hear businessmen speak eloquently about the "social responsibilities of business in a free-enterprise system," I am reminded of the wonderful line about the Frenchman who discovered at the age of 70 that he had been speaking prose all his life. The businessmen believe that they are defending free enterprise when they declaim that business is not concerned "merely" with profit but also with promoting desirable "social" ends; that business has a "social conscience" and takes seriously its responsibilities for providing employment, eliminating discrimination, avoiding pollution and whatever else may be the catchwords of the contemporary crop of reformers. In fact they are–or would be if they or anyone else took them seriously–preaching pure and unadulterated socialism. Businessmen who talk this way are unwitting puppets of the intellectual forces that have been undermining the basis of a free society these past decades.
The discussions of the "social responsibilities of business" are notable for their analytical looseness and lack of rigor. What does it mean to say that "business" has responsibilities? Only people can have responsibilities. A corporation is an artificial person and in this sense may have artificial responsibilities, but "business" as a whole cannot be said to have responsibilities, even in this vague sense. The first step toward clarity in examining the doctrine of the social responsibility of business is to ask precisely what it implies for whom.
Presumably, the individuals who are to be responsible are businessmen, which means individual proprietors or corporate executives. Most of the discussion of social responsibility is directed at corporations, so in what follows I shall mostly neglect the individual proprietors and speak of corporate executives.
In a free-enterprise, private-property system, a corporate executive is an employee of the owners of the business. He has direct responsibility to his employers. That responsibility is to conduct the business in accordance with their desires, which generally will be to make as much money as possible while conforming to the basic rules of the society, both those embodied in law and those embodied in ethical custom. Of course, in some cases his employers may have a different objective. A group of persons might establish a corporation for an eleemosynary purpose–for example, a hospital or a school. The manager of such a corporation will not have money profit as his objective but the rendering of certain services.
In either case, the key point is that, in his capacity as a corporate executive, the manager is the agent of the individuals who own the corporation or establish the eleemosynary institution, and his primary responsibility is to them.
Needless to say, this does not mean that it is easy to judge how well he is performing his task. But at least the criterion of performance is straightforward, and the persons among whom a voluntary contractual arrangement exists are clearly defined.
Of course, the corporate executive is also a person in his own right. As a person, he may have many other responsibilities that he recognizes or assumes voluntarily–to his family, his conscience, his feelings of charity, his church, his clubs, his city, his country. He ma}. feel impelled by these responsibilities to devote part of his income to causes he regards as worthy, to refuse to work for particular corporations, even to leave his job, for example, to join his country's armed forces. Ifwe wish, we may refer to some of these responsibilities as "social responsibilities." But in these respects he is acting as a principal, not an agent; he is spending his own money or time or energy, not the money of his employers or the time or energy he has contracted to devote to their purposes. If these are "social responsibilities," they are the social responsibilities of individuals, not of business.
What does it mean to say that the corporate executive has a "social responsibility" in his capacity as businessman? If this statement is not pure rhetoric, it must mean that he is to act in some way that is not in the interest of his employers. For example, that he is to refrain from increasing the price of the product in order to contribute to the social objective of preventing inflation, even though a price in crease would be in the best interests of the corporation. Or that he is to make expenditures on reducing pollution beyond the amount that is in the best interests of the corporation or that is required by law in order to contribute to the social objective of improving the environment. Or that, at the expense of corporate profits, he is to hire "hardcore" unemployed instead of better qualified available workmen to contribute to the social objective of reducing poverty.
In each of these cases, the corporate executive would be spending someone else's money for a general social interest. Insofar as his actions in accord with his "social responsibility" reduce returns to stockholders, he is spending their money. Insofar as his actions raise the price to customers, he is spending the customers' money. Insofar as his actions lower the wages of some employees, he is spending their money.
The stockholders or the customers or the employees could separately spend their own money on the particular action if they wished to do so. The executive is exercising a distinct "social responsibility," rather than serving as an agent of the stockholders or the customers or the employees, only if he spends the money in a different way than they would have spent it.
But if he does this, he is in effect imposing taxes, on the one hand, and deciding how the tax proceeds shall be spent, on the other.
This process raises political questions on two levels: principle and consequences. On the level of political principle, the imposition of taxes and the expenditure of tax proceeds are governmental functions. We have established elaborate constitutional, parliamentary and judicial provisions to control these functions, to assure that taxes are imposed so far as possible in accordance with the preferences and desires of the public–after all, "taxation without representation" was one of the battle cries of the American Revolution. We have a system of checks and balances to separate the legislative function of imposing taxes and enacting expenditures from the executive function of collecting taxes and administering expenditure programs and from the judicial function of mediating disputes and interpreting the law.
Here the businessman–self-selected or appointed directly or indirectly by stockholders–is to be simultaneously legislator, executive and, jurist. He is to decide whom to tax by how much and for what purpose, and he is to spend the proceeds–all this guided only by general exhortations from on high to restrain inflation, improve the environment, fight poverty and so on and on.
The whole justification for permitting the corporate executive to be selected by the stockholders is that the executive is an agent serving the interests of his principal. This justification disappears when the corporate executive imposes taxes and spends the proceeds for "social" purposes. He becomes in effect a public employee, a civil servant, even though he remains in name an employee of a private enterprise. On grounds of political principle, it is intolerable that such civil servants–insofar as their actions in the name of social responsibility are real and not just window-dressing–should be selected as they are now. If they are to be civil servants, then they must be elected through a political process. If they are to impose taxes and make expenditures to foster "social" objectives, then political machinery must be set up to make the assessment of taxes and to determine through a political process the objectives to be served.
This is the basic reason why the doctrine of "social responsibility" involves the acceptance of the socialist view that political mechanisms, not market mechanisms, are the appropriate way to determine the allocation of scarce resources to alternative uses.
On the grounds of consequences, can the corporate executive in fact discharge his alleged "social responsibilities?" On the other hand, suppose he could get away with spending the stockholders' or customers' or employees' money. How is he to know how to spend it? He is told that he must contribute to fighting inflation. How is he to know what action of his will contribute to that end? He is presumably an expert in running his company–in producing a product or selling it or financing it. But nothing about his selection makes him an expert on inflation. Will his hold ing down the price of his product reduce inflationary pressure? Or, by leaving more spending power in the hands of his customers, simply divert it elsewhere? Or, by forcing him to produce less because of the lower price, will it simply contribute to shortages? Even if he could answer these questions, how much cost is he justified in imposing on his stockholders, customers and employees for this social purpose? What is his appropriate share and what is the appropriate share of others?
And, whether he wants to or not, can he get away with spending his stockholders', customers' or employees' money? Will not the stockholders fire him? (Either the present ones or those who take over when his actions in the name of social responsibility have reduced the corporation's profits and the price of its stock.) His customers and his employees can desert him for other producers and employers less scrupulous in exercising their social responsibilities.
This facet of "social responsibility" doc trine is brought into sharp relief when the doctrine is used to justify wage restraint by trade unions. The conflict of interest is naked and clear when union officials are asked to subordinate the interest of their members to some more general purpose. If the union officials try to enforce wage restraint, the consequence is likely to be wildcat strikes, rank-and-file revolts and the emergence of strong competitors for their jobs. We thus have the ironic phenomenon that union leaders–at least in the U.S.–have objected to Government interference with the market far more consistently and courageously than have business leaders.
The difficulty of exercising "social responsibility" illustrates, of course, the great virtue of private competitive enterprise–it forces people to be responsible for their own actions and makes it difficult for them to "exploit" other people for either selfish or unselfish purposes. They can do good–but only at their own expense.
Many a reader who has followed the argument this far may be tempted to remonstrate that it is all well and good to speak of Government's having the responsibility to impose taxes and determine expenditures for such "social" purposes as controlling pollution or training the hard-core unemployed, but that the problems are too urgent to wait on the slow course of political processes, that the exercise of social responsibility by businessmen is a quicker and surer way to solve pressing current problems.
Aside from the question of fact–I share Adam Smith's skepticism about the benefits that can be expected from "those who affected to trade for the public good"–this argument must be rejected on grounds of principle. What it amounts to is an assertion that those who favor the taxes and expenditures in question have failed to persuade a majority of their fellow citizens to be of like mind and that they are seeking to attain by undemocratic procedures what they cannot attain by democratic procedures. In a free society, it is hard for "evil" people to do "evil," especially since one man's good is another's evil.
I have, for simplicity, concentrated on the special case of the corporate executive, except only for the brief digression on trade unions. But precisely the same argument applies to the newer phenomenon of calling upon stockholders to require corporations to exercise social responsibility (the recent G.M crusade for example). In most of these cases, what is in effect involved is some stockholders trying to get other stockholders (or customers or employees) to contribute against their will to "social" causes favored by the activists. Insofar as they succeed, they are again imposing taxes and spending the proceeds.
The situation of the individual proprietor is somewhat different. If he acts to reduce the returns of his enterprise in order to exercise his "social responsibility," he is spending his own money, not someone else's. If he wishes to spend his money on such purposes, that is his right, and I cannot see that there is any objection to his doing so. In the process, he, too, may impose costs on employees and customers. However, because he is far less likely than a large corporation or union to have monopolistic power, any such side effects will tend to be minor.
Of course, in practice the doctrine of social responsibility is frequently a cloak for actions that are justified on other grounds rather than a reason for those actions.
To illustrate, it may well be in the long run interest of a corporation that is a major employer in a small community to devote resources to providing amenities to that community or to improving its government. That may make it easier to attract desirable employees, it may reduce the wage bill or lessen losses from pilferage and sabotage or have other worthwhile effects. Or it may be that, given the laws about the deductibility of corporate charitable contributions, the stockholders can contribute more to charities they favor by having the corporation make the gift than by doing it themselves, since they can in that way contribute an amount that would otherwise have been paid as corporate taxes.
In each of these–and many similar–cases, there is a strong temptation to rationalize these actions as an exercise of "social responsibility." In the present climate of opinion, with its wide spread aversion to "capitalism," "profits," the "soulless corporation" and so on, this is one way for a corporation to generate goodwill as a by-product of expenditures that are entirely justified in its own self-interest.
It would be inconsistent of me to call on corporate executives to refrain from this hypocritical window-dressing because it harms the foundations of a free society. That would be to call on them to exercise a "social responsibility"! If our institutions, and the attitudes of the public make it in their self-interest to cloak their actions in this way, I cannot summon much indignation to denounce them. At the same time, I can express admiration for those individual proprietors or owners of closely held corporations or stockholders of more broadly held corporations who disdain such tactics as approaching fraud.
Whether blameworthy or not, the use of the cloak of social responsibility, and the nonsense spoken in its name by influential and prestigious businessmen, does clearly harm the foundations of a free society. I have been impressed time and again by the schizophrenic character of many businessmen. They are capable of being extremely farsighted and clearheaded in matters that are internal to their businesses. They are incredibly shortsighted and muddleheaded in matters that are outside their businesses but affect the possible survival of business in general. This shortsightedness is strikingly exemplified in the calls from many businessmen for wage and price guidelines or controls or income policies. There is nothing that could do more in a brief period to destroy a market system and replace it by a centrally controlled system than effective governmental control of prices and wages.
The shortsightedness is also exemplified in speeches by businessmen on social responsibility. This may gain them kudos in the short run. But it helps to strengthen the already too prevalent view that the pursuit of profits is wicked and immoral and must be curbed and controlled by external forces. Once this view is adopted, the external forces that curb the market will not be the social consciences, however highly developed, of the pontificating executives; it will be the iron fist of Government bureaucrats. Here, as with price and wage controls, businessmen seem to me to reveal a suicidal impulse.
The political principle that underlies the market mechanism is unanimity. In an ideal free market resting on private property, no individual can coerce any other, all cooperation is voluntary, all parties to such cooperation benefit or they need not participate. There are no values, no "social" responsibilities in any sense other than the shared values and responsibilities of individuals. Society is a collection of individuals and of the various groups they voluntarily form.
The political principle that underlies the political mechanism is conformity. The individual must serve a more general social interest–whether that be determined by a church or a dictator or a majority. The individual may have a vote and say in what is to be done, but if he is overruled, he must conform. It is appropriate for some to require others to contribute to a general social purpose whether they wish to or not.
Unfortunately, unanimity is not always feasible. There are some respects in which conformity appears unavoidable, so I do not see how one can avoid the use of the political mechanism altogether.
But the doctrine of "social responsibility" taken seriously would extend the scope of the political mechanism to every human activity. It does not differ in philosophy from the most explicitly collectivist doctrine. It differs only by professing to believe that collectivist ends can be attained without collectivist means. That is why, in my book Capitalism and Freedom, I have called it a "fundamentally subversive doctrine" in a free society, and have said that in such a society, "there is one and only one social responsibility of business–to use it resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception or fraud."
Sunday, May 13, 2007
The UP elections-a psephologist's nightmare
Critical mass as a phenomenon starts to work when people base their decisions on the opinions or views of the others around them. Critical mass is often a winner takes all scenario and therefore both parties and companies need to understand what they need to do in order to achieve a point of critical mass beyond which there is a decisive movement in their favour-often a point described as an unstable equilibrium. In order to build up the momentum to achieve a critical mass, parties need to have a large proportion of die hard supporters which helps them turn other people into trying the product or policy. The BJP which once had the upper castes as their die hard supporters sadly seems to have lost the game this time with the BSP making inroads. The Congress has never had a die hard support base since their loss in 1989. This made it extremely difficult for both these parties to reach critical mass as they had to convert a larger number of undecided voters. The BSP and the SP however had their captive Dalit and Yadav votebanks that helped them reach critical mass easily.
The second important feature of the critical mass game is the extent of hate voters you have in the population. These are voters who are unwilling to try your party irrespective of your formulation. The BJP lost the game here as well with their Anti-Muslim rhetoric. Though the Congress didn't have too many hate voters, they were simply not seen as a viable alternative to the SP with the result being the BSP gaining. Both the Congress and the BJP need to introspect to see what they can do to change the rules of the game in their favour. The BJP can try a Centre-right approach for a start surely instead of clinging on to Hindutva.
Thursday, May 10, 2007
The Presidential election
First the Left parties were opposed to him on reasons that they could not articulate very well. This is despite the fact that he is a figure respected by many in the World and is admired almost everywhere he goes. He is a scholar on the Gita and is a Muslim by birth. Surely this must have been enough for the so called secular alliance to re-nominate him as the President. However the Left has shown that they are no better than others they claim to despise when protecting their vested interests(read Somnath Chatterjee). Surely a divisive figure such as Somnath who doesn't enjoy the support of the BJP shouldn't be foisted upon the country as a President if the Left believes that the President should be one who unites the country.
But Congress showed yesterday that they could stoop to much lower levels than the Left when they proposed Pranab Mukherjee, Sushil Kumar Shinde(Who?) and Karan Singh as candidates for the presidency. If you look at these candidates, does anyone in India think these honourable gentlemen have the stature to be the President of India? The next name that the Left will throw out is Jyoti Basu- a nonagenarian non-entity. This Presidential election was a chance for all the major parties to prove that they respected the wishes of the Indian people. Alas the Congress and the Left have shown that they are not holier than the BJP when it comes to petty politics.
Tuesday, May 8, 2007
UPA's non-performance under Manmohan Singh
What is however appalling is the way UPA is still running the government without doing anything in the last few months. If the Aam Aadmi is not too happy with the increase in prices and the UPA allies are also not exactly ecstatic about its performance, Isn't it time for the PM to resign? Or does it mean that he wants to go on like this forever? What is especially troubling is his inability to influence even a spent force like Arjun Singh from shooting off his mouth on issues that require serious debate. India will do better to have its PM on the list of Time's most influential persons rather than the President of his party.